The below account of the storm of Bridgwater by Parliamentary troops was written by Colonel Edmund Wyndham, commander of the Royalist garrison. He writes this to excuse himself for the fault of the defeat, and to shift blame to the Pembrokeshire forces he commanded, and to the townsmen quitting the defences after fires broke out. It contains some very interesting details about the nature of the town’s defences – for example in that Eastover was mostly only defended by a ditch, rather than an earthen rampart (as has been archaeologically discovered in the west of the town).
Spelling has been left as found.
A true declaration concerning the surrender of Bridgewater
Written by Colonel Edmund Wyndham
To vindicate him from some false and scandalous reports, raised by some malicious adversaries
printed in the year 1646
p.1
It is an old saying, that it is better to be fortunate then wise; I may truly adde in what concernes my selfe, with relation to the scandals that are throwne upon me, by the practise and malice of such as endeavour to traduce my reputation, that it is better to be successful then honest. For the one I am confident would have preserved me in a fayre opinion and good esteem amongst all men, whereas the other only continues my credit with those that personally know me; and that my knowledge are confirmed in their beleefe of my integrity. I did beleeve that my own innocency had beene a sufficient shield to guard and defend me from the malicious reports of my enemies, whose rumours being false, and wanting the basis of truth, for their foundation, I imagined they would quickly vanish and not prejudice my honour; and therefore I contemned and despised them and their authors. But finding that these untrue suggestions, although they have no colour of truth, by the slie and subtile insinuations of my adversaries, have gained credit with some noble personages, whose satisfaction I desire: and also to vindicate my owne reputation, lest silence should conclude my guilt, I have fought fit and am perswaded by some friends, to justify my selfe by this true relation, under my owne hand of my behaviour in my command, which I shall maintain with my life, against the scandals and aspersions of all my adversaries. And I am the rather induced hereunto, because I have now nothing left me, but my reputation, which in the cause I have undertaken cannot truly be blemisht. And I shall I hope by this Apology, ( although it be an inconvenience, that truth and honesty must be enforced thereunto, whilst treachery and falsehood walke openly without checke or control) satisfie all ingenuous an honourably disposed persons, that it remaines yet spotless. For if I am guiltie of any crime, it cannot be lesse in betraying the trust reported in me then treachery or cowardice, (p.2) or both, and I must justifie my selfe that I am guilty of neither, but if my accusers had been more moderate, and had laid to my charge, folly, rashneses, or indiscretion, I should have been so modest as not to have justified all my actions: for I should have confess’d that souldiery was not originally my profession, and that I might be guilty of some such imperfections. But the scandall of treason is of too venomous aa nature to be digested; for it not onely destroys me, but dishonours my Familie, and stains my Posteritie. And therefore to wipe away this blemish, I have put pen to paper, and doe here deliver the impartiall truth of my proceedings, which if any man can contradict, I shall desire no favour in their forbearance. I know well the guilt is of the nature of filthy odours, who buy stiring become more unsavoury, but virtue an integrity is of a contrary quality, which by sifting and searching becomes the more pure and refined; and therefore in confidence of my owne innocency, I doe publish this Declaration, wherein I doe challenge all my enemies to detect me, if I be guilty of any miscarriage or so high in nature as is laid to my charge, hoping hereby to make it appeare that I am free and cleere from those blacke calumnies and slanders, which malice, envy, and detraction have throwne upon me.
I confesse according to the dictates of my owne conicience and reason, and according unto the obligation I stood engaged unto his Majestie as well by my common allegiance, as by my more perticular duty of personall service, in the beginning of theft unhappy differences and divisions of the Kingdome, I engaged my selfe on his Majesties party, wherein I have conslantly persever’d either in acting, or suffering untill this day; concurring with those of the contrary party , onely in hating detestable newtrality. According to my best ability I did diligently, execute all such Commissions as I did receive from his Majestie, and in the place of Governour of Bridgewater, did use my utmost endeavour to preserve that Towne, and to retain the people in obedience to his Majestie. But I, like other of his Majesties Commanders, wanted the sinews of Warre, and was enjoyned hard taske, to make bricke without strawe, to fortifie a Towne, victual it, leavy men, provide (p.3) arms and ammunition, with all things necessary for the defence thereof, without money to effect it. I acknowledge I had an assignement of contribution, after long solicitation to a fit proportion to doe the worke, but this was presently anticipated by particular orders of my superiour Officers, and by free quarterings, so that very little money could be gathered by my Collectors , but all of the most part was diverted into other chanells, especially of late for the maintenance of the new erected Garrisons of Lamport and Burrowe. And the Lord Gorings horse by their free quarter and trenchar money impoverisht the Country , that for the space of six monthes before the surrender of Bridgewater, I am assured I did not receive three hundred pounds, I beleeve not two hundred pounds towards the payment of my Garison; and the furnishing of it with all things necessary for the defence thereof. I did often complaine of my wants, both to the Princes Councell, and to the superioue Officers of his Majesties armies, so that my defects were apparently knowne unto them, yet could have no redresse, until the Country was posest by the Parliaments forces, and then it was too late to make use of thole unprofitable graunts, which were as difficultly obtained, as if they had beene for my proper benefit, and not for his Majesties use. And yet during those last 6 months, I had my men, ammunition, and victualls, which I had procured by my own expense and credit, commanded out of my Garrison, to supply the armie before Taunton, whilst it was under Sir R. Grenvil, and afterward under my Lord Goring, which was promised to be restored, but the performance came too slow. That the Towne lay conveniently to be fortified is most apparent, and that with expence it might have beene made very strong is most certain, but that it was so by the then made fortifications the contrary is manifest through want of meanes to effeet the same. For almost halfe the Towne which is called Eastover, when Sir Thomas Fairefax came before it, had onely a dike cast without any fashioning or turfing of the workes, or forming of the flankers, so that although the Graffe[1] were a good defence in the outside, yet the inside could hardly be made use of as a convenient, brestworke.
But that which was most to my prejudice, was, that such souldiers (p.4) as had raised in that County by my interest, were alwayes commanded away out of my Garrison, so that when the enemy came before the town, I had not above two hundred and fifty of my old souldiers left in the town, besides townesmen, the rest were made up by Pembrokeshire men, taken by my Lord Gerrard[2] in that County, and sent over to recruit Prince Ruperts Regiment after the battell of Nazeby, and I had likewise some of Sir John Stawels regiment, and some few souldiers belonging unto Bristoll Garrison, which were newly come from Lamport. There came into the town not above three dayes before the enemie came before it, and the Pembrokeshire men were such, for the most part, as had formerly served the Parliament. They were in number about five hundred, and had the guard of that part of the towne, called Eastover, divided from the rest of the town by the river, and were appointed to defend two third parts of that line; the other third part being to be maintained by those of Sir John Stawells regiment, and those Bristoll souldiers which came from Lamport; to that there was in that part of the town about seven hundred souldiers, I having put more men into it then into the other part of the town, because the line was not perfected, and because Sir Thomas Fairfax with most of his horse and foot lay on that side of the town; Major General Massey keeping guards on the other side, where I had placed those of my own regiment, the townesmen, and some voluntiers. Most of these, souldiers were upon the guard every night, doing constant duty twelve nights together, and my self was continually with them all that time, visiting one guard or other, all the night.
Friday, the 11th of July, Sir Thomas Fairfax drew neer the town, and that night and Saturday placed severall guards within Musket shot of our works, and so continued without advancing further untill he stormed the town, which was Monday morning the 21 of July, between one and two of the clock, at which time he brought on two bridges to passe his men over the Graffe, which were so narrow, that I believe not above two men could passe over abrest, and one of these bridges failed in the bringing on, so that if there Pembrokeshire men had been stout and it being their guard that he attempted to force, it is apparent how (p.5) how fruitlesse his attempt must have proved. I was then in Eastover and as I conceived, did heare some noyse of the enemies preparation before they came on, and for the more certain discovery thereof, did send out twenty musketeers under the command of a Sergeant, being drawn out of Prince Ruperts regiment, who at their return, assured mee, that the enemy moved not, yet immediatly after that, the enemie came on; and marched with their bridge over Castlefield[3], where they had no shelter, from our shot, and if our men had not been false, they must needs have done great execution upon them; but these Pembrokeshire men, although they fired very well, did little or no execution on the enemy; for they either shot over their heads when they shot bullets, or else shot nothing but powder, as they themselves confessed after the town was surrendred, upbraiding divers Protestant Officers, calling them Papisit, and asking them, whether they believed that they would fight against the Parliament to defend Papist Rogues?
And yet I am affured, that there was not one Papist that was an Officer within the Garrison. At the same time that the enemy attempted Eastover, I hearing great vollies of shot from the other fide of the Town, conceiving that the enemy might enter there, thinking this part secure, because it was so well man’d, having left reserve of horse and foot on that side of the water, to be ready on all occasions to second those who guarded the line, and to prevent the enemies assaults, I rode with much haste round the line on the other side of the town to encourage the townsmen, and to observe if there were any danger of the enemies entring there; but before I could ride round the line, and return into Eastover again, the Pembrookshire men had laid down their arms, and when I came back, were helping the enemy over the works, and above fourty of them entred. Major Michel, who commanded in chief over that Regiment, being shot, was carried off, and I found no Officer there, the reserve of foot, and most of the horse being gone, only I espied at a distance, five or sixe horse, which were most of them Officers, amongst them were L.Col. Jones, and Cornet Welsh, whom I commanded to joys with me, and to indeavour to beat out the enemy that was entred, which they did, and we forced back the enemy to the top (p.6) top of the work, where wee could not charge them further, by reason of the steepnesss of the bancks, where the enemy defended themselves with pikes, and our own men mingled with the enemie, and fired upon us, and kili’d L. Col. Jones, being the next man unto me: I perceiving that it was impossble with horse to beat the enemy from that stand they made on the top of the works, wheeled about my horse, intending to ride to the other side of the line, to command from thence a party of Musketteers to force off the enemies but when I came to crosse the street, I found that by the help of these treacherous villains, the drawbridge was broken down, and the enemies horse entred into Eastover, so that I found three were then so many of the enemies entred into that part of the town, that it was impossible to beat them thence whereupon I indeavoured in the best manner I could, to secure the retreat of as many souldiers as might be, out of Eastover, into the other part of the town, beyond the river; but my souldiers being in disorder, and confusion, the enemie coming on so fast, hindred divers that were endeavouring to get over the river, and some were slain, amongst which L. Col. Glanvile was one, who escaped from the enemie at the fight at Lamport, and came into the town, just as Sir Thomas Fairfax came before it. The enemie immediatly brought up their Cannon to force the drawbridge, which was the passage over the river, and by the shelter of the houses, came within Pistol shot thereof, and before the chaines were fastened, made some shot through him, and killed and wounded some men, yet we secured the bridge; and notwithstanding all their Cannon shot, which played continually upon us, we made two barrocadoes within the bridge, from whence I stird not, untill I saw those works perfected. The enemy that night had raised three other batteries, the one in Castle field, the other in the way going towards Taunton, and the third, at the end of West-street[4]; these played most part of the day into the town, besides a Morter-piece[5], which they shot often out of Eastover. After wee had finished the works about the bridge, I having discovered where their Cannon lay, which battered us there, I caused the wreathed Gun to be brought down to that side of the town, and to be planted where I conceived it might most annoy the (p.7) enemie and beat them off from their Cannon, there being a Blind made and no other security for their Gunners, which succeeded accordingly; for hereby we not onely beate them from that Gun; but also with this wee we battered Master Harvies House and drove the enemie thence, which was a great safety unto us. The enemie and we lay now onely seperated by the river, they having houses and mudde walls on their side of the river, as usefull for the safety of their souldiers, as our works, houses, and mudde walls were unto us. Onely their walls had thatch of strawe for their coverings, which we fired, and so made them too warme for them, to make use of them that day. The river was fordable at low water for horse and foot to passeover. I know not what apprehension the enemie had, but that day about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, they seemed to quit Eastover in some disorder, and drew off their Guns from their battery in Castle Field, and fired that part of the Towne they were possest off, whereupon we sallied , and seazed their Cannon wherewith they battered the drawe-bridge, and we tooke divers armes they had left behind them, and brought them into the Towne, but wanted conveniencie to draw off their Cannon, because we had barrowcadoed the bridge. But within a short time the enemie returned, and placed their guardes againe in Eastover. By this storme we had lost at leaste six hundred souldiers , all the Welsh being turned to serve the enemie except about forty, which were in the inner Towne: most of Sir John Stawells Regiment, and the Bristoll souldiers were taken prisoners, so that I had remaining about five hundred souldiers and townsmen, that bore armes, the rest being lost in the storm of Eaftover, besides we lost two iron Guns, some ammunition and provision. Notwithftanding this losse I so encouraged those souldiers I had left, telling them that now the traytors were gone, we should be the more secure, having none but such as were faithfull remaining, and as we had fewer souldiers, so we had lesse ground to defend. That night we wrought very hard to lyne our thinne workes, and to raise Blinds to prevent the enemie out of Eastover, who might else in divers places command the inside of our Curtains. The next morning being Tuesday about the same houre that the enemie storm’d us, the day before (p.8 ) they attempted us again, but with no successe, their soldiers not daring to assault our works, but shouting very hard at distance, at length retreated without gaining any advantage; which was a great encouragement to my souldiers, being now confident, that the enemie durst not attempt our workes, and that what they did the day before was by intelligence with the Pembrokeshiremen.
That afternoon about two of the clocke Sir Thomas Fairefax sent his third and last summons for the surrender of the Towne, to which I returned a positive refusall. Immediately after a house was fired towards the west part of the Towne and I going to give order for the quenching thereof; had not staid long but newes was brought that the Towne was fired in divers other places, and some boyes apprehended who were actors therein, confessing that they had been hired to doe it by some of the Pembrokeshire souldiers. A Liuetenant likewise was taken endeavouring as was pretended to fire the Church conceiving the Magazine had Beene there: The boyes confession, was a certaine proofe, but the evidence against the Liuetenant was not so cleare. A house was likewise fired where the Gunners kept all their case and round shot[6], and such other ammunition as was prepared for our Ordinance; and likewise most of our match[7] was ther consumed; in short the fire grew so great and terrible that, the Towne seemed of one flame. Those houses that were fired neere the lyne, made the place too hot and dangerous for any souldiers to abide there: the townsmen all ran off their guards to secure their goods and houses and drew off with them divers souldiers, by giving them money to assist them therein. So that the lynes were generally quitted; the Towne likely to be burnt all to ashes, the enemie ready to assault us, and few or none could be gotten to make defence, most of our provision and ammunition burnt and destroyed by the fire. And the most part of the soldiers and people crying out to make conditions, whereupon I call’d a Counsell of warre; and by the advice of all or far the greater part of the Officers that were there present, I believe I may truly say by all of them that were then there, it was thought fit to send unto Sir Thomas Fairfax for conditions, which with much importunity I was persuaded to doe, (p.9) after some of the cheife Officers and and souldiers of the Garrison had by the appointment of the Counsell of Warre viewed the Towne and returned answer that it was not possible to be held.
All that were then present can bear me witnesse, with what difficulty I was perswaded to hearken unto conditions; and what industry I used to encourage the souldiers to defend it, but I have been since told by some of good credit, that there were others as solititous to disswade them from it, being more studious to preserve their lives then their honours, telling the townesmen and the souldiers, that there was no reason, now that they might have conditions, that they should all sacrifice their lives, to satisfie the rashnesse of the Governour; who it may be, could not find means to reconcile himself to the Parliament, but for them, their offences were not so great, but that they might make satisfaction, which most of them have since done; and after their coming unto London, were quickly released by which perswasions and other discouragements, especially that of the fire, the whole town being probable to be burnt down to the ground, and most of the ammunition and provision being already consumed, there was a necessity of yeelding the town, and of accepting such Articles as the Generall would give us, and having intelligence of our condition, and understanding it as well as our selves, both souldiers and inhabitants pressing me thereunto, disserting their guards, and applying themselves wholly to exstinguish the fire, which now seemed to overspread the whole town: Whereupon it was agreed, that we should draw up Articles such as we intended to yield the town upon, and send them unto the Generall which was accordingly done, and Mr. Ellyot sent with them who immediately returned, with other Articles, subscribed by Sir Thomas Fairfax, which were such as afterward we were enforced to surrender the town upon; by which, both officers and souldiers became prisoners, to which I returned answer, by Sir John Hele, and Mr. Ellyot; that we would not accept those conditions, and that unlesse we might have our liberties, we were resolved to abide the greater extremity, and (p.10) so gave order that the parley should breake off. And I endeavoured in the meantime to draw men to the works, for the defence of the town; but whilest I was endevoring to draw men to the line, Mr.Ellyot returned with a positive deniall from the Generall, that he would give no other conditions; whereupon, it was unanimously resolved by all the Officers and Gentlemen prefent, that we should accept those conditions offered by Sir Thomas Fairfax. And I appeal unto all who were at the meeting and transacting of the treaty, whether, when it was objected by snch Officers and commissioners as were present, that I should be held guilty of all the blood that should be afterwards spilt, if I accepted not the conditions; and whether they did not demand what l would fight for, or what I would defend, for the town would be consumed unto ashes; and whether my answer were not, that, I would fight for my liberty, or to have an honourable Sepulture in those ashes but my perswasions could not prevail with them, for all unanimously prest me to the yeelding up of the town; this is the truth, which I will justifie, concerning the delivering up of the town of Bridgewater, wherein I will appeale to all who were there present, whether I did ever absent myself out of apprehension of danger, or did not on all occasions show my self ready to expresse my, duty, and my loyalty with the hazard of my life.
And whereas it hath been objected, that I sold the town, I defie all the world, to prove that ever I held any corespondence or intelligence with the enemie, or ever received any favour or friendship from the Parliament, or their Armie; nay, I have been so tender in seeking to the Parliament for any of those things which they ordinarily afford to men in my condition, that I have forborn to sue for them, fearing, that those, who on no probable ground are so bold to scandall me, would easily be induced to misconstrue both our intentions, and interpret civilities disguised corruptions. I confesse, after the surrender of the town, I was civilly treated by the Generall, and some of his Officers, and out of that civility, I am confident they will vindicate mee from ell these (p.11) aspersions, if they be required thereunto. I lost all I had in the town; which in goods and housholdstuffe, I am sure was of at considerable value, not preserving so much as mine, my wifes, or childrens clothes, which indeed were allowed us by the Generall but after taken away by the Committees and for ready money, the Generall allowed me to carry out thirty pounds, but truly I had not ten pounds when I left the town, but was enforced to borrow money to bring me to London, for I spent not only what I had allowed from his Majesty, but mine own revenue was imployed in that service, as thosw who kept my accompts can cleerely justifie, besdes what I borrowed and ingaged my self, to satisfie for the publike service. There was never any rationall man that was corrupt, but it was for some end or advantage, I am sure I could have none in it, for I loft all that I had in the world, not preserving a peniworth of any goods; nor had I any conditions for my other estate, which hath been ever since in sequestration. This juftification I offer to the view of the world, and do challenge all my adversaries to produce but a single circumstance to make their scandalls probable, which if they shall offer any, I shall not doubt, but by the testimony of persons of honour, cleerly to convince their malice. All that I shall hereby desire, is, that having in this adventure lost all my estate, I may by the candor of those that reade it, be preserved in my reputation, and then, although few be greater sufferers then my self, yet none shall be more contented, because in the whole progresse of this businesse, I did nothing with relation to the trust reposed in me, that awakens my conscience to repenta
[1] Trench or ditch.
[2] Possibly Charles Gerard, later 1st Earl of Macclesfield.
[3] Castle Field was a large open area, which occupied the land north of what is now the Clink, east of the River, and west of Bath Road. Bristol Road did not exist at this time. The defensive ditch was presumably along the line of the Clink.
[4] Presumably around where West Street meets St Matthew’s field.
[5] This is a type of cannon that fired an exploding shell up into the air, which would fall into an enemy defence.
[6] Case shot was a container filled with small round metal balls, which when fired from a cannon, would burst open spraying the immediate area with shrapnel. Round shot were ordinary cannon balls – solid balls of metal.
[7] Match was a slow-burning cord used as the firing means for a musket.